以下内容部分来自AI总结：
乔治·华盛顿（1732—1799）在领导革命军赢得独立战争胜利并主持制宪会议后，毫无争议地当选为美国首任总统。在他的领导下，这个新生的国家迈出了稳定发展的第一步。尽管他勉强接受了第二个四年任期，但他坚决拒绝连任第三任。在一个仍由君主、世袭领袖和独裁者主宰的世界中，华盛顿主动放弃权力，将国家领导权交给民选继任者。这一举动不仅体现了他的高尚品格，更为美国的民主制度树立了典范，成为全球范围内的独特标志。
1796年9月19日（中国此时是清朝嘉庆年间），华盛顿通过报纸向全国发表了他的告别演说。这篇演说总结了他对国家未来发展的期望，并提出了以下重要忠告：
- 国家团结与身份认同：华盛顿强调了国家团结的重要性，并警告反对地方主义。他建议美国人避免党派政治和地区分裂，强调应优先考虑国家的共同利益。
- 外交政策：华盛顿提倡在外交事务中保持中立，建议美国避免与外国结成纠缠不清的联盟。他认为国家应该专注于自身发展，不应卷入欧洲的冲突。
- 政党之害：华盛顿对政党带来的分裂表示担忧。他认为政党可能导致派系主义，削弱政府的稳定性。
- 公共道德与宗教的角色：华盛顿强调公共道德和美德在维护国家民主制度中的重要性。他认为宗教和道德是共和国成功的基本支柱。
- 维护宪法：他强调需要捍卫和保护宪法，鼓励美国人尊重宪法的原则，视其为共和国的基础。
华盛顿的告别演说不仅是一份政治遗嘱，也是一份珍贵的国家指导原则，奠定了美国作为民主共和国在世界上的形象。这份演讲的思想深远影响了美国的政治文化，至今仍被后人推崇。
来源：
https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Washington%27s_Farewell_Address（存在一些单词拼写问题，下面引用的内容对照了其他信息源修正了一部分拼写）
FRIENDS AND FELLOW-CITIZENS:
The period for a new election of a citizen, to administer the executive government of the United States, being not far distant, and the time actually arrived, when your thoughts must be employed designating the person, who is to be clothed with that important trust, it appears to me proper, especially as it may conduce to a more distinct expression of the public voice, that I should now apprize you of the resolution I have formed, to decline being considered among the number of those out of whom a choice is to be made.
I beg you at the same time to do me the justice to be assured that this resolution has not been taken without a strict regard to all the considerations appertaining to the relation which binds a dutiful citizen to his country; and that in withdrawing the tender of service, which silence in my situation might imply, I am influenced by no diminution of zeal for your future interest, no deficiency of grateful respect for your past kindness, but am supported by a full conviction that the step is compatible with both.
The acceptance of, and continuance hitherto in, the office to which your suffrages have twice called me, have been a uniform sacrifice of inclination to the opinion of duty, and to a deference for what appeared to be your desire. I constantly hoped, that it would have been much earlier in my power, consistently with motives, which I was not at liberty to disregard, to return to that retirement, from which I had been reluctantly drawn. The strength of my inclination to do this, previous to the last election, had even led to the preparation of an address to declare it to you; but mature reflection on the then perplexed and critical posture of our affairs with foreign nations, and the unanimous advice of persons entitled to my confidence impelled me to abandon the idea.
I rejoice, that the state of your concerns, external as well as internal, no longer renders the pursuit of inclination incompatible with the sentiment of duty, or propriety; and am persuaded, whatever partiality may be retained for my services, that, in the present circumstances of our country, you will not disapprove my determination to retire.
The impressions, with which I first undertook the arduous trust, were explained on the proper occasion. In the discharge of this trust, I will only say, that I have, with good intentions, contributed towards the organization and administration of the government the best exertions of which a very fallible judgment was capable. Not unconscious, in the outset, of the inferiority of my qualifications, experience in my own eyes, perhaps still more in the eyes of others, has strengthened the motives to diffidence of myself; and every day the increasing weight of years admonishes me more and more, that the shade of retirement is as necessary to me as it will be welcome. Satisfied, that, if any circumstances have given peculiar value to my services, they were temporary, I have the consolation to believe, that, while choice and prudence invite me to quit the political scene, patriotism does not forbid it.
In looking forward to the moment, which is intended to terminate the career of my public life, my feelings do not permit me to suspend the deep acknowledgment of that debt of gratitude, which I owe to my beloved country for the many honors it has conferred upon me; still more for the steadfast confidence with which it has supported me; and for the opportunities I have thence enjoyed of manifesting my inviolable attachment, by services faithful and persevering, though in usefulness unequal to my zeal. If benefits have resulted to our country from these services, let it always be remembered to your praise, and as an instructive example in our annals, that under circumstances in which the passions, agitated in every direction, were liable to mislead, amidst appearances sometimes dubious, vicissitudes of fortune often discouraging, in situations in which not unfrequently want of success has countenanced the spirit of criticism, the constancy of your support was the essential prop of the efforts, and a guarantee of the plans by which they were effected. Profoundly penetrated with this idea, I shall carry it with me to my grave, as a strong incitement to unceasing vows that Heaven may continue to you the choicest tokens of its beneficence; that your union and brotherly affection may be perpetual; that the free constitution, which is the work of your hands, may be sacredly maintained; that its administration in every department may be stamped with wisdom and virtue; than, in fine, the happiness of the people of these States, under the auspices of liberty, may be made complete, by so careful a preservation and so prudent a use of this blessing, as will acquire to them the glory of recommending it to the applause, the affection, and adoption of every nation, which is yet a stranger to it.
Here, perhaps I ought to stop. But a solicitude for your welfare which cannot end but with my life, and the apprehension of danger, natural to that solicitude, urge me, on an occasion like the present, to offer to your solemn contemplation, and to recommend to your frequent review, some sentiments which are the result of much reflection, of no inconsiderable observation, and which appear to me all-important to the permanency of your felicity as a people. These will be offered to you with the more freedom, as you can only see in them the disinterested warnings of a parting friend, who can possibly have no personal motive to bias his counsel. Nor can I forget, as an encouragement to it, your indulgent reception of my sentiments on a former and not dissimilar occasion.
Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every ligament of your hearts, no recommendation of mine is necessary to fortify or confirm the attachment.
The unity of Government, which constitutes you one people, is also now dear to you. It is justly so; for it is a main pillar in the edifice of your real independence, the support of your tranquility at home, your peace abroad; of your safety; of your prosperity; of that very Liberty, which you so highly prize. But as it is easy to foresee, that, from different causes and from different quarters, much pains will be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth; as this is the point in your political fortress against which the batteries of internal and external enemies will be most constantly and actively (though often covertly and insidiously) directed, it is of infinite moment, that you should properly estimate the immense value of your national Union to your collective and individual happiness; that you should cherish a cordial, habitual, and immovable attachment to it; accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it as of the Palladium of your political safety and prosperity; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion, that it can in any event be abandoned; and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts.
For this you have every inducement of sympathy and interest. Citizens, by birth or choice, of a common country, that country has a right to concentrate your affections. The name of American, which belongs to you, in your national capacity, must always exalt the just pride of Patriotism, more than any appellation derived from local discriminations. With slight shades of difference, you have the same religion, manners, habits, and political principles. You have in a common cause fought and triumphed together; the Independence and Liberty you possess are the work of joint counsels, and joint efforts, of common dangers, sufferings, and successes.
But these considerations, however powerfully they address themselves to your sensibility, are greatly outweighed by those, which apply more immediately to your interest. Here every portion of our country finds the most commanding motives for carefully guarding and preserving the Union of the whole.
The North, in an unrestrained intercourse with the South, protected by the equal laws of a common government, finds, in the productions of the latter, great additional resources of maritime and commercial enterprise and precious materials of manufacturing industry. The South, in the same intercourse, benefiting by the agency of the North, sees its agriculture grow and its commerce expand. Turning partly into its own channels the seamen of the North, it finds its particular navigation invigorated; and, while it contributes, in different ways, to nourish and increase the general mass of the national navigation, it looks forward to the protection of a maritime strength, to which itself is unequally adapted. The East, in a like intercourse with the West, already finds, and in the progressive improvement of interior communications by land and water, will more and more find, a valuable vent for the commodities which it brings from abroad, or manufactures at home. The West derives from the East supplies requisite to its growth and comfort, and, what is perhaps of still greater consequence, it must of necessity owe the secure enjoyment of indispensable outlets for its own productions to the weight, influence, and the future maritime strength of the Atlantic side of the Union, directed by an indissoluble community of interest as one nation. Any other tenure by which the West can hold this essential advantage, whether derived from its own separate strength, or from an apostate and unnatural connection with any foreign power, must be intrinsically precarious.
While, then, every part of our country thus feels an immediate and particular interest in Union, all the parts combined cannot fail to find in the united mass of means and efforts greater strength, greater resource, proportionably greater security from external danger, a less frequent interruption of their peace by foreign nations; and, what is of inestimable value, they must derive from Union an exemption from those broils and wars between themselves, which so frequently afflict neighboring countries not tied together by the same governments, which their own rivalships alone would be sufficient to produce, but which opposite foreign alliances, attachments, and intrigues would stimulate and embitter. Hence, likewise, they will avoid the necessity of those overgrown military establishments, which, under any form of government, are inauspicious to liberty, and which are to be regarded as particularly hostile to Republican Liberty. In this sense it is, that your Union ought to be considered as a main prop of your liberty, and that the love of the one ought to endear to you the preservation of the other.
These considerations speak a persuasive language to every reflecting and virtuous mind, and exhibit the continuance of the union as a primary object of Patriotic desire. Is there a doubt, whether a common government can embrace so large a sphere? Let experience solve it. To listen to mere speculation in such a case were criminal. We are authorized to hope, that a proper organization of the whole, with the auxiliary agency of governments for the respective subdivisions, will afford a happy issue to the experiment. It is well worth a fair and full experiment. With such powerful and obvious motives to Union, affecting all parts of our country, while experience shall not have demonstrated its impracticability, there will always be reason to distrust the patriotism of those, who in any quarter may endeavor to weaken its bands.
In contemplating the causes, which may disturb our Union, it occurs as matter of serious concern, that any ground should have been furnished for characterizing parties by Geographical discriminations, Northern and Southern, Atlantic and Western; whence designing men may endeavor to excite a belief, that there is a real difference of local interests and views. One of the expedients of party to acquire influence, within particular districts, is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts. You cannot shield yourselves too much against the jealousies and heart-burnings, which spring from these misrepresentations; they tend to render alien to each other those, who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection. The inhabitants of our western country have lately had a useful lesson on this head; they have seen, in the negotiation by the Executive, and in the unanimous ratification by the Senate, of the treaty with Spain, and in the universal satisfaction at that event, throughout the United States, a decisive proof how unfounded were the suspicions propagated among them of a policy in the General Government and in the Atlantic States unfriendly to their interests in regard to the Mississippi; they have been witnesses to the formation of two treaties, that with Great Britain, and that with Spain, which secure to them everything they could desire, in respect to our foreign relations, towards confirming their prosperity. Will it not be their wisdom to rely for the preservation of these advantages on the union by which they were procured? Will they not henceforth be deaf to those advisers, if such there are, who would sever them from their brethren, and connect them with aliens?
To the efficacy and permanency of your Union, a Government for the whole is indispensable. No alliances, however strict, between the parts can be an adequate substitute; they must inevitably experience the infractions and interruptions, which all alliances in all times have experienced. Sensible of this momentous truth, you have improved upon your first essay, by the adoption of a Constitution of Government better calculated than your former for an intimate Union, and for the efficacious management of your common concerns. This Government, the offspring of our own choice, uninfluenced and unawed, adopted upon full investigation and mature deliberation, completely free in its principles, in the distribution of its powers, uniting security with energy, and containing within itself a provision for its own amendment, has a just claim to your confidence and your support. Respect for its authority, compliance with its laws, acquiescence in its measures, are duties enjoined by the fundamental maxims of true Liberty. The basis of our political systems is the right of the people to make and to alter their Constitutions of Government. But the Constitution which at any time exists, till changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole people, is sacredly obligatory upon all. The very idea of the power and the right of the people to establish Government presupposes the duty of every individual to obey the established Government.
All obstructions to the execution of the Laws, all combinations and associations, under whatever plausible character, with the real design to direct, control, counteract, or awe the regular deliberation and action of the constituted authorities, are destructive of this fundamental principle, and of fatal tendency. They serve to organize faction, to give it an artificial and extraordinary force; to put, in the place of the delegated will of the nation, the will of a party, often a small but artful and enterprising minority of the community; and, according to the alternate triumphs of different parties, to make the public administration the mirror of the ill-concerted and incongruous projects of faction, rather than the organ of consistent and wholesome plans digested by common counsels, and modified by mutual interests.
However combinations or associations of the above description may now and then answer popular ends, they are likely, in the course of time and things, to become potent engines, by which cunning, ambitious, and unprincipled men will be enabled to subvert the power of the people, and to usurp for themselves the reins of government; destroying afterwards the very engines, which have lifted them to unjust dominion.
Towards the preservation of your government, and the permanency of your present happy state, it is requisite, not only that you steadily discountenance irregular oppositions to its acknowledged authority, but also that you resist with care the spirit of innovation upon its principles, however specious the pretexts. One method of assault may be to effect, in the forms of the constitution, alterations, which will impair the energy of the system, and thus to undermine what cannot be directly overthrown. In all the changes to which you may be invited, remember that time and habit are at least as necessary to fix the true character of governments, as of other human institutions; that experience is the surest standard, by which to test the real tendency of the existing constitution of a country; that facility in changes, upon the credit of mere hypothesis and opinion, exposes to perpetual change, from the endless variety of hypothesis and opinion; and remember, especially, that, for the efficient management of our common interests, in a country so extensive as ours, a government of as much vigor as is consistent with the perfect security of liberty is indispensable. Liberty itself will find in such a government, with powers properly distributed and adjusted, its surest guardian. It is, indeed, little else than a name, where the government is too feeble to withstand the enterprises of faction, to confine each member of the society within the limits prescribed by the laws, and to maintain all in the secure and tranquil enjoyment of the rights of person and property.
I have already intimated to you the danger of parties in the state, with particular reference to the founding of them on geographical discriminations. Let me now take a more comprehensive view, and warn you in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of the spirit of party, generally.
This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature, having its root in the strongest passions of the human mind. It exists under different shapes in all governments, more or less stifled, controlled, or repressed; but, in those of the popular form, it is seen in its greatest rankness, and is truly their worst enemy.
The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge, natural to party dissension, which in different ages and countries has perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despotism. But this leads at length to a more formal and permanent despotism. The disorders and miseries, which result, gradually incline the minds of men to seek security and repose in the absolute power of an individual; and sooner or later the chief of some prevailing faction, more able or more fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposition to the purposes of his own elevation, on the ruins of Public Liberty.
Without looking forward to an extremity of this kind, (which nevertheless ought not to be entirely out of sight,) the common and continual mischiefs of the spirit of party are sufficient to make it the interest and duty of a wise people to discourage and restrain it.
It serves always to distract the Public Councils, and enfeeble the Public Administration. It agitates the Community with ill-founded jealousies and false alarms; kindles the animosity of one part against another, foments occasionally riot and insurrection. It opens the door to foreign influence and corruption, which find a facilitated access to the government itself through the channels of party passions. Thus the policy and the will of one country are subjected to the policy and will of another.
There is an opinion, that parties in free countries are useful checks upon the administration of the Government, and serve to keep alive the spirit of Liberty. This within certain limits is probably true; and in Governments of a Monarchical cast, Patriotism may look with indulgence, if not with favor, upon the spirit of party. But in those of the popular character, in Governments purely elective, it is a spirit not to be encouraged. From their natural tendency, it is certain there will always be enough of that spirit for every salutary purpose. And, there being constant danger of excess, the effort ought to be, by force of public opinion, to mitigate and assuage it. A fire not to be quenched, it demands a uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting into a flame, lest, instead of warming, it should consume.
It is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking in a free country should inspire caution, in those entrusted with its administration, to confine themselves within their respective constitutional spheres, avoiding in the exercise of the powers of one department to encroach upon another. The spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate the powers of all the departments in one, and thus to create, whatever the form of government, a real despotism. A just estimate of that love of power, and proneness to abuse it, which predominates in the human heart, is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of this position. The necessity of reciprocal checks in the exercise of political power, by dividing and distributing it into different depositories, and constituting each the Guardian of the Public Weal against invasions by the others, has been evinced by experiments ancient and modern; some of them in our country and under our own eyes. To preserve them must be as necessary as to institute them. If, in the opinion of the people, the distribution or modification of the constitutional powers be in any particular wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment in the way, which the constitution designates. But let there be no change by usurpation; for, though this, in one instance, may be the instrument of good, it is the customary weapon by which free governments are destroyed. The precedent must always greatly overbalance in permanent evil any partial or transient benefit, which the use can at any time yield.
Of all the dispositions and habits, which lead to political prosperity, Religion and Morality are indispensable supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of Patriotism, who should labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness, these firmest props of the duties of Men and Citizens. The mere Politician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect and to cherish them. A volume could not trace all their connections with private and public felicity. Let it simply be asked, Where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation desert the oaths, which are the instruments of investigation in Courts of Justice? And let us with caution indulge the supposition, that morality can be maintained without religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure, reason and experience both forbid us to expect, that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle.
It is substantially true, that virtue or morality is a necessary spring of popular government. The rule, indeed, extends with more or less force to every species of free government. Who, that is a sincere friend to it, can look with indifference upon attempts to shake the foundation of the fabric ?
Promote, then, as an object of primary importance, institutions for the general diffusion of knowledge. In proportion as the structure of a government gives force to public opinion, it is essential that public opinion should be enlightened.
As a very important source of strength and security, cherish public credit. One method of preserving it is, to use it as sparingly as possible; avoiding occasions of expense by cultivating peace, but remembering also that timely disbursements to prepare for danger frequently prevent much greater disbursements to repel it; avoiding likewise the accumulation of debt, not only by shunning occasions of expense, but by vigorous exertions in time of peace to discharge the debts, which unavoidable wars may have occasioned, not ungenerously throwing upon posterity the burthen, which we ourselves ought to bear. The execution of these maxims belongs to your representatives, but it is necessary that public opinion should cooperate. To facilitate to them the performance of their duty, it is essential that you should practically bear in mind, that towards the payment of debts there must be Revenue; that to have Revenue there must be taxes; that no taxes can be devised, which are not more or less inconvenient and unpleasant; that the intrinsic embarrassment, inseparable from the selection of the proper objects (which is always a choice of difficulties), ought to be a decisive motive for a candid construction of the conduct of the government in making it, and for a spirit of acquiescence in the measures for obtaining revenue, which the public exigencies may at any time dictate.
Observe good faith and justice towards all Nations; cultivate peace and harmony with all. Religion and Morality enjoin this conduct; and can it be, that good policy does not equally enjoin it? It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and, at no distant period, a great Nation, to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel example of a people always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. Who can doubt, that, in the course of time and things, the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any temporary advantages, which might be lost by a steady adherence to it ? Can it be, that Providence has not connected the permanent felicity of a Nation with its Virtue? The experiment, at least, is recommended by every sentiment which ennobles human nature. Alas! is it rendered impossible by its vices ?
In the execution of such a plan, nothing is more essential, than that permanent, inveterate antipathies against particular Nations, and passionate attachments for others, should be excluded; and that, in place of them, just and amicable feelings towards all should be cultivated. The Nation, which indulges towards another an habitual hatred, or an habitual fondness, is in some degree a slave. It is a slave to its animosity or to its affection, either of which is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its interest. Antipathy in one nation against another disposes each more readily to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and intractable, when accidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur. Hence frequent collisions, obstinate, envenomed, and bloody contests. The Nation, prompted by ill-will and resentment, sometimes impels to war the Government, contrary to the best calculations of policy. The Government sometimes participates in the national propensity, and adopts through passion what reason would reject; at other times, it makes the animosity of the nation subservient to projects of hostility instigated by pride, ambition, and other sinister and pernicious motives. The peace often, sometimes perhaps the liberty, of Nations has been the victim.
So likewise, a passionate attachment of one Nation for another produces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the favorite Nation, facilitating the illusion of an imaginary common interest, in cases where no real common interest exists, and infusing into one the enmities of the other, betrays the former into a participation in the quarrels and wars of the latter, without adequate inducement or justification. It leads also to concessions to the favorite Nation of privileges denied to others, which is apt doubly to injure the Nation making the concessions; by unnecessarily parting with what ought to have been retained; and by exciting jealousy, ill-will, and a disposition to retaliate, in the parties from whom equal privileges are withheld. And it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or deluded citizens, (who devote themselves to the favorite nation,) facility to betray or sacrifice the interests of their own country, without odium, sometimes even with popularity; gilding, with the appearances of a virtuous sense of obligation, a commendable deference for public opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good, the base or foolish compliances of ambition, corruption, or infatuation.
As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, such attachments are particularly alarming to the truly enlightened and independent Patriot. How many opportunities do they afford to tamper with domestic factions, to practice the arts of seduction, to mislead public opinion, to influence or awe the Public Councils! Such an attachment of a small or weak, towards a great and powerful nation, dooms the former to be the satellite of the latter.
Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence (I conjure you to believe me, fellow-citizens,) the jealousy of a free people ought to be constantly awake; since history and experience prove, that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of Republican Government. But that jealousy, to be useful, must be impartial; else it becomes the instrument of the very influence to be avoided, instead of a defense against it. Excessive partiality for one foreign nation, and excessive dislike of another, cause those whom they actuate to see danger only on one side, and serve to veil and even second the arts of influence on the other. Real patriots, who may resist the intrigues of the favorite, are liable to become suspected and odious; while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the people, to surrender their interests.
The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign nations, is, in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connection as possible. So far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop.
Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have none, or a very remote relation. Hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves, by artificial ties, in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, or the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships or enmities.
Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a different course. If we remain one people, under an efficient government, the period is not far off, when we may defy material injury from external annoyance; when we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality, we may at any time resolve upon, to be scrupulously respected; when belligerent nations, under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation; when we may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice, shall counsel.
Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? Why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground? Why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of European ambition, rivalship, interest, humor, or caprice?
It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with any portion of the foreign world; so far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it; for let me not be understood as capable of patronizing infidelity to existing engagements. I hold the maxim no less applicable to public than to private affairs, that honesty is always the best policy. I repeat it, therefore, let those engagements be observed in their genuine sense. But, in my opinion, it is unnecessary and would be unwise to extend them.
Taking care always to keep ourselves, by suitable establishments, on a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies.
Harmony, liberal intercourse with all nations, are recommended by policy, humanity, and interest. But even our commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand; neither seeking nor granting exclusive favors or preferences; consulting the natural course of things; diffusing and diversifying by gentle means the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing; establishing, with powers so disposed, in order to give trade a stable course, to define the rights of our merchants, and to enable the government to support them, conventional rules of intercourse, the best that present circumstances and mutual opinion will permit, but temporary, and liable to be from time to time abandoned or varied, as experience and circumstances shall dictate; constantly keeping in view, that it is folly in one nation to look for disinterested favors from another; that it must pay with a portion of its independence for whatever it may accept under that character; that, by such acceptance, it may place itself in the condition of having given equivalents for nominal favors, and yet of being reproached with ingratitude for not giving more. There can be no greater error than to expect or calculate upon real favors from nation to nation. It is an illusion, which experience must cure, which a just pride ought to discard.
In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old and affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will make the strong and lasting impression I could wish; that they will control the usual current of the passions, or prevent our nation from running the course, which has hitherto marked the destiny of nations. But, if I may even flatter myself, that they may be productive of some partial benefit, some occasional good; that they may now and then recur to moderate the fury of party spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of foreign intrigue, to guard against the impostures of pretended patriotism; this hope will be a full recompense for the solicitude for your welfare, by which they have been dictated.
How far in the discharge of my official duties, I have been guided by the principles which have been delineated, the public records and other evidences of my conduct must witness to you and to the world. To myself, the assurance of my own conscience is, that I have at least believed myself to be guided by them.
In relation to the still subsisting war in Europe, my Proclamation of the 22d of April 1793, is the index to my Plan. Sanctioned by your approving voice, and by that of your Representatives in both Houses of Congress, the spirit of that measure has continually governed me, uninfluenced by any attempts to deter or divert me from it.
After deliberate examination, with the aid of the best lights I could obtain, I was well satisfied that our country, under all the circumstances of the case, had a right to take, and was bound in duty and interest to take, a neutral position. Having taken it, I determined, as far as should depend upon me, to maintain it, with moderation, perseverance, and firmness.
The considerations, which respect the right to hold this conduct, it is not necessary on this occasion to detail. I will only observe, that, according to my understanding of the matter, that right, so far from being denied by any of the Belligerent Powers, has been virtually admitted by all.
The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be inferred, without any thing more, from the obligation which justice and humanity impose on every nation, in cases in which it is free to act, to maintain inviolate the relations of peace and amity towards other nations.
The inducements of interest for observing that conduct will best be referred to your own reflections and experience. With me, a predominant motive has been to endeavor to gain time to our country to settle and mature its yet recent institutions, and to progress without interruption to that degree of strength and consistency, which is necessary to give it, humanly speaking, the command of its own fortunes.
Though, in reviewing the incidents of my administration, I am unconscious of intentional error, I am nevertheless too sensible of my defects not to think it probable that I may have committed many errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend. I shall also carry with me the hope, that my Country will never cease to view them with indulgence; and that, after forty-five years of my life dedicated to its service with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest.
Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and actuated by that fervent love towards it, which is so natural to a man, who views it in the native soil of himself and his progenitors for several generations; I anticipate with pleasing expectation that retreat, in which I promise myself to realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the midst of my fellow-citizens, the benign influence of good laws under a free government, the ever favorite object of my heart, and the happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labors, and dangers.
George Washington
United States – September 19, 1796
下面是机器翻译：
朋友们、同胞们：
美国即将举行新的选举，选民将选举出一位公民来负责美国的行政政府。现在正是你们必须集中精力，选择那位将承担这一重要职责的人。对此，我认为有必要，特别是考虑到这可能有助于更加明确地表达公众的声音，向你们告知我已决定不再被列为候选人之一。
同时，我恳请你们公正地认为，我作出这一决定时，充分考虑了作为一个忠诚公民与国家之间的责任关系。我决定撤回为国家效力的提议，并非因为对你们未来利益的热忱有所减弱，也不是因为对你们过去恩惠的感激之情有所缺失，而是坚信这一决定是与这些情感相符的。
我曾两次接受并继续担任你们选举给我的职务，这一直是把个人的意愿放在一边，服从于责任感和对你们期望的尊重。我曾一度希望，能够尽早在不违背我的动机的情况下，回到那个我曾不情愿离开的退休生活中。在上次选举前，我的这种回归意愿甚至促使我准备了一份辞职声明。然而，经过对当时我们与外国事务复杂而关键形势的深思熟虑，以及那些有资格给予我建议的人的一致劝告，我最终决定放弃这一想法。
我感到欣慰的是，无论是外部事务还是内部事务，你们的状况已不再使得追随个人意愿与履行责任感或适当性发生冲突。我深信，无论你们对我服务的偏爱如何，在当前我们国家的形势下，你们不会反对我决定退休的决定。
我当初承担这一艰巨责任时的初衷，已经在适当的时候解释过。在履行这一责任时，我只想说，我以良好的意图，为政府的组织和管理作出了自己最大的努力，尽我一位普通判断力所能达到的最好表现。虽然我一开始并不忽视自己资历的不足，但随着经验的积累，尤其是自己和他人眼中对我能力的认识，这种对自己的怀疑已经更加根深蒂固。每一天，随着年岁增长，我越来越意识到，退休的阴影对我而言是既必要又将是受欢迎的。确信，如果有任何情况使我的服务有特殊的价值，那也是暂时的，我因此感到安慰。我相信，尽管选择和审慎鼓励我退出政治舞台，但爱国主义并不禁止这一决定。
在展望结束我公共生涯的时刻时，我的心情不允许我忽略那份我对亲爱的祖国所欠的深深感激。祖国给予我的诸多荣誉，尤其是它始终如一的信任和支持，以及我从中获得的展示自己忠诚的机会，虽然我的贡献在实际效用上无法与我的热忱相匹配。如果这些服务给我们的国家带来了益处，请永远记住，这值得你们的赞扬，并作为我们历史的一个有教益的例子。因为在那种情势下，激情四溢，随时可能误导人心，表象有时模糊不清，命运的波折常使人气馁，而常常缺乏成功的情况下，批评的精神会变得愈发激烈。然而，你们始终不渝的支持是我们努力的坚强支柱，是我们所实施的计划得以成功的保证。我深深地感受到这一思想，必将伴随我终老，成为我不断祈愿的强大动力，愿上天继续赐予你们最丰厚的恩典；愿你们的联合和兄弟般的情谊永远长存；愿你们亲手建立的自由宪法得到神圣的维护；愿它在各个部门的治理上都能展现出智慧和美德；最终，愿这些州人民在自由的庇护下，享受到完整的幸福，而这种幸福的完整将通过对这份恩赐的精心守护和审慎使用，赢得荣耀，向每一个尚未拥有它的国家推荐、获得其赞扬、深情和接纳。
在这里，我或许应该停下。但是出于对你们福祉的深切关怀，这种关切只有与我的生命一起结束，而伴随这种关切而来的对潜在危险的警觉，促使我在此时此刻，向你们提出一些观点，供你们认真思考，并推荐你们反复审视。这些观点是我经过深思熟虑和相当广泛观察后的结果，我认为这些对你们作为一个民族幸福的持久性至关重要。你们可以放心地接受这些意见，因为你们只会看到它们是一个即将离去的朋友毫无私利的忠告，完全没有任何个人动机来偏袒我的建议。并且，我不能忘记你们在不久前对我观点的宽容接纳，这对我也起到了鼓励作用。
自由的热爱已经深深融入你们心中的每一根纽带，我不需要再多加推荐来强化或确认你们对它的依恋。
政府的统一，构成了你们的一个民族，这一点对你们而言如今显得尤为重要，这是正当的；因为它是你们真正独立的主要支柱，是你们国内安宁、对外和平的保障，是你们安全、繁荣以及你们如此珍视的自由的保障。但很容易预见，由于不同的原因和从不同的角度，必将有人竭力削弱你们对这一真理的信念，他们将采取许多手段，利用各种策略，试图在你们心中动摇这一信念。由于这是你们政治堡垒中最重要的防线，内外敌人会最常常、最积极（虽然通常是隐蔽且狡猾地）对其发动攻击，因此你们必须准确评估国家统一对你们集体和个人幸福的巨大价值；你们应当珍惜它，形成对它的深厚、习惯性且坚定不移的依恋；使自己习惯性地认为和言谈它，视其为你们政治安全与繁荣的保护神；以警觉的焦虑关注其维持；坚决反对任何暗示甚至怀疑它可以在任何情况下被抛弃的言论；愤怒地抵制任何试图分裂国家部分，或削弱如今将各部分联系在一起的神圣纽带的行为。
为此，你们拥有所有的同情与利益的驱动。无论是出生还是选择成为公民，你们共同属于同一个国家，这个国家有权集中你们的情感。作为美国人，这一身份在你们的民族身份中，应始终激发出正义的爱国骄傲，远超任何因地方差异而来的称号。尽管存在一些细微差别，你们拥有相同的宗教、风俗、习惯和政治原则。你们曾在共同的事业中并肩作战并共同获得胜利；你们所享有的独立与自由，是通过共同的谋划、共同的努力、共同的危险、痛苦与成功而获得的成果。
然而，这些考虑，尽管在情感上强烈地触动你们，却远不如那些与直接利益相关的因素重要。在这里，我们国家的每个部分都有最强烈的理由小心谨慎地守护和保持整个国家的统一。
北方与南方之间没有任何限制的交流，在共同政府的平等法制保护下，北方在南方的产品中找到了巨大的海上与商业企业资源以及制造业所需的珍贵材料。南方在与北方的相同交流中，受益于北方的支持，见证了其农业的增长和商业的扩展。北方的水手部分流向南方，南方的航运得到了振兴；同时，南方通过不同的方式为国家航运的大规模发展提供了支持，并期待着获得海上力量的保护，尽管南方本身在这一方面的适应能力较弱。东方与西方之间的相互交流，同样为东方提供了一个重要的出口，帮助其将外部商品或自家生产的商品运输到市场，随着国内陆路和水路通信的逐步改善，这一交流将越来越有助于促进这种商品流通。西方则从东方获得了促进其发展和舒适所必需的物资，并且，或许更为重要的是，西方必须依赖于大西洋一侧的海洋力量、影响力和未来的海军力量，才能保证其必不可少的生产出口得到安全保障，且这一切基于国家统一带来的共同利益。西方若试图依靠自身独立力量或与任何外部势力建立背离本国利益的联系来维护这一关键优势，其稳定性必定是脆弱的。
因此，尽管国家的每个部分都切实感受到对统一的直接和特别利益，所有部分的结合必然会在统一的力量和努力下发现更强大的实力、更丰富的资源、相对更大的外部安全保障、更少的外部干扰；并且，更为宝贵的是，统一将使得国家免于同国内部分之间发生那些纷争和战争，这种情况常常困扰那些未受共同政府约束的邻国，这些冲突本是由本国的对立所产生，但在外部联盟、关系和阴谋的刺激下，问题会更加恶化。因此，统一还能避免那些过度庞大的军事机构的必要性，这些机构无论在何种形式的政府下，都对自由不利，尤其是对共和自由构成直接威胁。从这个角度来看，统一应被视为你们自由的主要支柱，而对统一的热爱应当让你们更加珍视其维护。
这些考虑对每一个深思熟虑且有道德的人来说都具有说服力，展示了继续维持统一是爱国者的首要目标。是否有人怀疑一个共同的政府是否能够涵盖如此广泛的领域？让经验来解答这个问题。在这种情况下听信空泛的猜测是错误的。我们有理由希望，整个国家通过适当的组织，以及各个地方政府的辅助作用，能够为这一实验带来成功的结果。这值得我们进行一次公平而全面的实验。考虑到如此强烈而显而易见的统一动机，影响到我们国家的各个部分，只要经验没有证明它不可行，就始终有理由对那些试图削弱统一纽带的人产生怀疑，特别是当他们来自任何角落时。
在考虑可能扰乱我们联盟的原因时，我深感担忧的是，竟然会有人通过地理划分来界定党派——如北方与南方、大西洋与西部——从而使有心之人激起这样一种信念：存在真正的地方性利益和观点差异。政党为了在特定地区获得影响力，常常会误导公众，曲解其他地区的意见和目标。你们必须时刻警惕，避免受到这些误导产生的嫉妒心和愤懑情绪的影响；这些误导有可能让本应以兄弟情谊相连的群体相互疏远。我们西部地区的居民，最近得到了一个有益的教训；他们在行政部门的谈判中，看到美国与西班牙签订的条约获得了参议院的一致批准，并且这一事件在全国范围内引发了普遍的满意，证明了他们曾经担心的、关于联邦政府和大西洋州不利于他们在密西西比地区利益的政策，完全是没有根据的。他们亲眼目睹了与英国和西班牙分别签署的两项条约的形成，这些条约为他们提供了所有他们所渴望的国际关系保障，有力地推动了他们的繁荣。难道他们不应该依赖于这个联盟，来维护他们所获得的这些利益吗？他们今后难道不会对那些建议他们与兄弟般的其他州割裂联系、与外族结盟的顾问充耳不闻吗？
对于你们联盟的效力和持久性，整个国家的政府是不可或缺的。即便是最紧密的区域联盟，也无法代替中央政府的作用；它们不可避免地会经历所有历史上联盟所经历的破裂与中断。意识到这一重大真理，你们在第一次尝试的基础上，完善了宪法，采用了一部比之前更适合紧密联合、更有效管理共同事务的政府宪法。这部政府，源自我们自己的选择，不受外部影响、未曾被威胁，经过充分调查和成熟的审议后制定，原则上完全自由，权力分配合理，既确保安全，又赋予活力，同时其中包含有修宪条款，理应获得你们的信任与支持。尊重政府的权威，遵守其法律，服从其政策，这是自由的基本准则所要求的义务。我们的政治体制的基础，是人民制定和修改宪法的权利。但任何时刻存在的宪法，在没有经过全体人民明确且正式的改变之前，都是神圣不可侵犯的。人民设立政府的权力与权利本身，就预设了每个公民有义务服从已设立的政府。
任何阻碍法律执行的行为，任何名目再巧妙、形式再合理的结盟与团体，如果其真实目的在于引导、控制、反制或威慑已设立的权威机构的正常决策与行动，都会破坏这一基本原则，并带来致命的后果。它们有助于组织派系，为派系提供人工且非自然的强大力量；让派系的意志，常常是少数精明且进取的群体的意志，取代国家委托的意志；根据不同派系的轮流胜利，将公共行政变成派系杂乱无章且不协调的计划的反映，而非由共同商议得出的、符合各方利益的稳健方案的执行工具。
然而，这种类型的结合或团体，偶尔可能会达成一些民众的目标，但在时间的推移和事态的发展中，它们很可能会变成强大的工具，让那些狡猾、野心勃勃且无道德约束的人们，借此颠覆人民的权力，夺取政府的控制权；而最终，这些人将摧毁曾经帮助他们获得不正当统治的工具。
为了保持你们的政府并保持当前幸福的状态，你们不仅要坚决反对对其公认权威的非法反对，还要小心抵制对其原则的创新精神，无论其理由多么貌似正当。攻击的手段之一，可能是通过宪法的形式，进行改动，从而削弱政府体制的能量，间接破坏无法直接推翻的东西。在你们可能被邀请进行的所有变革中，请记住，时间和习惯对于确立政府的真实性质，和其他人类制度一样，同样必要；经验是检验国家现行宪法真实倾向的最可靠标准；基于纯粹假设和意见的变化易导致无休止的变化，因假设和意见永远变化不定；尤其要记住，对于我们这样一个广阔的国家，效率管理共同利益的政府，必须具备足够的活力，以确保自由的完美安全。自由本身在这样的政府中，将找到最可靠的保护者。倘若政府过于软弱，无法抵御派系的图谋，无法把社会成员控制在法律所设定的界限内，也无法确保所有人安全、平静地享有个人和财产的权利，那么自由也不过是一个名词。
我已经向你们提醒过党派在国家中的危险，特别是基于地理划分所形成的党派。现在，让我从更广泛的角度看待这个问题，并以最庄严的方式警告你们，党派精神的有害影响。
不幸的是，这种精神与我们的本性密不可分，它根植于人类内心最强烈的激情之中。在所有政府中，它以不同的形式存在，或多或少地被压制、控制或镇压；但在人民主权的政府形式下，它表现得尤为严重，成为真正的敌人。
一个派系对另一个派系的交替统治，加上党派纷争自然带来的报复精神，这种精神在不同的时代和国家中曾经犯下过最可怕的罪行，它本身就是一种可怕的专制。但最终，这将导致一种更加正式和持久的专制。由此带来的动荡和痛苦，逐渐使人们倾向于寻求个体的绝对权力，作为安全和安宁的保障；迟早，某个占优势的派系领袖，凭借自己的能力或运气，利用这种心态来实现自己的权力，建立个人统治，摧毁公众自由。
即使不预见到这种极端的情况，（尽管它不应完全被忽视，）党派精神带来的常见且持续的祸害足以使一个明智的民族有责任去抑制并阻止它。
它总是会分散公众的注意力，削弱公共行政。它通过没有根据的嫉妒和虚假的警报激起社会的不安；煽动一方与另一方之间的敌意，偶尔挑起骚乱和叛乱。它为外部势力和腐败打开了大门，外部势力通过党派激情的渠道更加容易进入政府。这样，一个国家的政策和意愿就会受到另一个国家的政策和意愿的支配。
有一种观点认为，党派在自由国家中是对政府行政的有益制衡，有助于保持自由精神。在一定范围内，这可能是正确的；在君主制的政府中，爱国主义者可能会宽容地看待党派精神，即使不完全支持它。但在民选政府中，特别是纯粹的民主体制下，这种精神不应被鼓励。由于党派精神的自然倾向，毫无疑问，它总是会以某种方式存在并满足某些有益的目的。而且，考虑到其过度发展的常在危险，我们应该通过公众舆论的力量来减轻并缓和这种精神。它是不可扑灭的火焰，需要始终保持警觉，以防它爆发成大火，否则它不仅不能温暖社会，反而可能会摧毁一切。
同样重要的是，自由国家中的思维习惯应当激发政府行政人员的谨慎，使他们始终局限于各自的宪法职能范围，在行使一个部门的权力时，避免侵犯另一个部门的职权。侵权精神会导致各个部门的权力集中于一体，从而在任何形式的政府下都可能创造出真正的专制。对权力的热爱和滥用倾向的正确评估，足以让我们相信这一立场的正确性。通过将政治权力分配和分散到不同的权力中心，彼此构成对公共利益的保护，这一必要性通过古今的各种实验得到了证明，其中一些就是在我们自己的国家、我们亲眼目睹的。保护这些制度与创建这些制度同样重要。如果人民认为宪法权力的分配或调整有误，应通过宪法指定的修正程序加以纠正。但绝不能通过篡夺改变，因为虽然这种方式在某些情况下可能带来一时的好处，但它却是摧毁自由政府的惯用武器。先例的恶劣后果总是远远大于它可能带来的任何短期利益。
所有能促使政治繁荣的品性和习惯中，宗教和道德是不可或缺的支柱。那些试图颠覆这两大人类幸福的支柱、这两大公民责任的基石的人，根本无法获得爱国主义的称赞。政治家与虔诚的人一样，都应当尊重并珍视这些支柱。一卷书也无法追溯它们与个人和社会幸福的所有联系。让我们简单地问一句，如果宗教义务感抛弃了司法中的誓言，作为调查工具的誓言将如何保障财产、名誉与生命的安全？让我们谨慎地接受这样一种假设：道德是否可以在没有宗教的情况下得以维持。无论在特定心智结构的教育影响下，我们可能会容忍某些情况，但理性和经验都告诫我们，国家道德不能在没有宗教原则的情况下得以存在。
实际上，道德或品德是民主体制的必要动力。这个原则，实际上，在每一种自由政府中都或多或少地适用。谁能对那些试图动摇政府基础的人保持漠不关心的态度呢？
因此，作为首要任务，应当推动普及知识的机构。随着政府结构赋予公众舆论更多力量，公众舆论的启蒙变得至关重要。
作为一种极为重要的力量和安全来源，珍视公共信用。保持它的一种方法是尽可能节俭地使用它；通过培养和平来避免不必要的开支，但也要记住，及时的支出以应对潜在危险，往往能避免更多的支出来抵御它；同样，要避免债务的积累，不仅要避免不必要的开支，还要在和平时期积极努力偿还那些无法避免的战争所产生的债务，不应不公平地将我们自己应承担的负担转嫁给后代。这些原则的执行属于你们的代表，但公众舆论必须予以配合。为了方便他们履行职责，你们必须实际铭记，为了偿还债务，必须有收入；为了获得收入，必须有税收；没有税收可以避免不便和不愉快；选择合适的征税对象的固有难题（这总是充满困难的选择），应当成为对政府采取行动时进行公正解读的决定性动机，也应成为支持政府采取适应公共需求的收入措施的共识。
对所有国家保持诚信和公正；与所有国家培养和平与和谐。宗教和道德都要求我们遵循这种行为；难道良好的政策不应该同样要求吗？一个自由、开明且不久之后必将成为伟大国家的民族，值得向全人类展示一个崇高的、至今少见的榜样——一个总是以崇高的正义和仁爱为指引的民族。谁能怀疑，在时间和事物的推移中，这种计划的成果将丰厚地回报那些可能因坚定遵循而失去的暂时利益呢？难道不是天命已经将国家的永久幸福与其美德联系在一起吗？至少，这一实验是由所有高尚人类情感所推崇的。唉！难道它因为人类的恶习而变得不可能吗？
在执行这样的计划时，最重要的是要排除对特定国家的长期、根深蒂固的敌意，以及对其他国家的过度依恋；而要代之以对所有国家公正和友好的情感。一个对另一个国家常怀仇恨或常怀偏爱的国家，在某种程度上是奴隶。它是仇恨或偏爱的奴隶，任何一方的影响都足以使它偏离自己的责任和利益。一个国家对另一个国家的敌意，使得双方更容易互相侮辱和伤害，抓住微不足道的理由挑起争端，并在偶然的或琐碎的争执发生时变得傲慢和难以应对。因此，频繁发生冲突，顽固、毒化且血腥的争斗。一个国家，由于恶意和愤怒，有时会促使政府发动战争，违反了最合理的政策预测。政府有时也会参与这种民族情绪，并出于激情采纳那些理性会拒绝的政策；有时，它还会利用民族的敌意来为自尊心、野心和其他不正当动机所驱动的敌对行为提供支持。国家的和平，甚至有时可能是自由，常常因此成为受害者。
同样，一个国家对另一个国家的过度依恋也会产生各种弊端。对偏爱的国家的同情，促使人们产生一种虚幻的共同利益的错觉，在没有真正共同利益的情况下，将一国的敌意转嫁给另一国，导致前者参与后者的争执和战争，而没有充分的理由或正当性。这也导致对偏爱国家的让步，给予其优待，而这些优待却被其他国家所拒绝，这样往往会双重伤害作出让步的国家；一方面是不必要地放弃了应当保留的利益；另一方面，也会激起从被拒绝优待的国家那方的嫉妒、不满和报复心理。它还为那些有野心、腐化或被愚弄的公民提供了机会（这些公民投身于偏爱国家的事业），他们能够背叛或牺牲自己国家的利益而不致招致厌恶，有时甚至还可能因此受到欢迎；他们用虚伪的义务感、对公共舆论的尊重或对公共利益的热忱，掩饰了那些基于野心、腐败或痴迷的卑鄙或愚蠢的妥协。
作为通向外国影响的无数途径，这种依恋对于真正开明且独立的爱国者而言尤为令人担忧。它为干涉国内派系、施展诱导手段、误导公众舆论、影响或威慑公共议会提供了多少机会！一个小国或弱国对一个大国或强国的依恋，注定会使前者成为后者的卫星。
对于外国影响的阴险手段（我恳求你们相信我，公民们），自由人民的警觉应当时刻保持清醒；因为历史和经验证明，外国影响是共和政府最具危害的敌人之一。然而，这种警觉要有效，必须保持公正；否则，它就成了被避免的影响的工具，而不是防御它的手段。对某个外国国家过度偏爱，或对另一个国家过度厌恶，会使那些受此影响的人只看到一方的危险，而掩盖甚至助长对另一方影响的手段。真正的爱国者，可能会抵制有偏好的国家的阴谋，但他们可能会被怀疑和憎恶；而其工具和傀儡则会夺走人民的掌声和信任，出卖他们的利益。
关于外国国家的行为准则是，在扩展我们的商业关系时，尽量减少与它们的政治联系。对于我们已经达成的协议，应该以完全的诚信履行。此处应当停下。
欧洲有一套主要利益，与我们关系不大，或几乎没有关系。因此，欧洲必然会卷入频繁的争端，而这些争端的原因与我们的利益无关。因此，我们不应通过人为的联系，将自己卷入她的政治变动，或她的友敌之间的组合和冲突。
我们的独立和遥远的地理位置促使我们能够走上不同的道路。如果我们保持一个高效政府下的统一人民，不久之后我们将能够抵御外部困扰带来的实质性伤害；我们可以采取一种态度，使得我们随时可以决定的中立立场得到严格尊重；当交战的国家，由于无法从我们身上获得任何利益时，不会轻易冒犯我们；当我们可以根据正义所指引的利益选择和平或战争时。
为何要放弃如此特殊的地理位置所带来的优势？为何要放弃自己的利益，站到外国的立场上？为何要将我们的命运与欧洲任何一部分的命运纠缠在一起，将我们的和平与繁荣卷入欧洲的野心、竞争、利益、心情或任性之中？
我们真正的政策是，避免与外国世界任何部分建立永久的同盟关系；在目前我们还能够自由行动的情况下，避免这种同盟关系；但请不要误解，我并不是赞成背弃现有的承诺。我坚持认为，诚实是公共事务和私人事务同样适用的最佳原则。因此，我再次强调，应当遵循现有协议的真实含义。但是，在我看来，延伸这些承诺既不必要，也不明智。
我们应当始终保持适当的防御姿态，确保有足够的防御力量，在特殊紧急情况中，可以依靠临时同盟来应对。
与所有国家和睦相处，进行自由的交流，符合政策、人道和利益的要求。但即使我们的商业政策也应保持平等和公正的立场；既不寻求，也不授予独占的特权或优待；要顺应事物的自然发展；通过温和的手段扩展和多样化贸易渠道，但不强迫任何事物；与有意愿的国家建立稳固的贸易关系，以便定义我们商人的权利，支持他们的政府，建立符合现时情形和双方共识的临时性交流规则，适应经验和情势的变化而随时调整；始终保持清醒的认识，一国不应期待从其他国家获得无私的恩惠；若接受这种恩惠，它必须付出一定的独立性作为代价；通过接受这些恩惠，它可能会陷入一种局面，付出了名义上的恩惠，而被指责为忘恩负义，没有给予更多。没有比期望或计算国家之间真正的恩惠更大的错误。这是一种幻想，必须通过经验得到矫正，必须被公正的自尊抛弃。
在向你们——我的同胞们——提供这些来自一位老朋友的忠告时，我不敢奢望它们会留下我希望的深刻和持久的印象；我也无法期待它们能够控制常常影响人心的激情，或阻止我们国家走上历史上所有国家所经历的道路。但是，如果我可以自诩，认为它们可能产生某种部分的益处，带来一些偶尔的好处；使它们偶尔回想起调和党派激烈斗争的火焰，警示外国阴谋的危害，防范假爱国主义的伪装；那么这个希望便是我为你们的福祉所作努力的充分回报。
关于我在执行官方职责时是否被这些原则所引导，公档记录和其他证据必将为你们和世界作证。对我自己而言，唯一的保证就是我的良知，我至少相信自己一直是按照这些原则行事的。
关于欧洲仍在进行的战争，我于1793年4月22日发布的《公告》便是我的计划的标志。在你们的批准和你们在国会两院代表的支持下，该措施的精神始终主导着我，未受任何试图劝阻或转移我注意力的影响。
经过仔细审视，并借助我能够获取的最有价值的意见，我深信，在此案的所有情况之下，我们的国家有权采取并且在责任与利益的驱使下，必须采取中立立场。既然我们已经选择了这一立场，我决定，在我职责范围内，尽力以克制、坚持和坚定的态度维持这一立场。
关于坚持这一立场的权利，此时无需详细说明。我只想指出，根据我的理解，这一权利，远不是所有交战国否定的，事实上，所有交战国都已在事实上承认了这一权利。
坚持中立的义务，可以仅从正义与人道对每个国家的要求中推导出来——在它能够自由行动的情况下，保持与其他国家的和平与友好的关系，不让其破坏。
遵守这一立场的利益动机，最好的方式是让你们自己通过反思和经验来理解。对我来说，主导的动机之一是尽力为我们的国家争取时间，让它在不受干扰的情况下解决并完善其新近建立的体制，稳步前进，达到一种足以使其掌控自己命运的力量和一致性。
尽管回顾我的执政经历，我无意犯错，但我对自己缺点的敏感让我意识到，可能已经犯了许多错误。不论这些错误是什么，我真诚地祈求全能的上帝能够避免或减轻它们可能带来的灾难。我还将带着这样的希望，即我的国家将永远宽容地看待这些错误；并且，在我为国家服务了45年之后，我真诚的热情和正直的努力将掩盖无能所造成的过错，我的过失将被遗忘，正如我也将很快进入永恒安息的居所。
依赖于国家在这件事上，像在其他事务中的善意，并受到那种热切的爱国情怀的激励，这种情怀对于一个在几代人传承下的祖国的土壤中看到自己与先人的根基的人而言是如此自然；我怀着愉悦的期望，提前期待那一时刻——我自信那时我将能够毫无保留地享受与我的同胞们一起，参与自由政府下良法带来的宽厚影响，这正是我心中永远的追求，也正是我相信我们共同的关爱、努力与牺牲所应得的幸福回报。
乔治·华盛顿
1796年9月19日，美国